Tibet after the Revolution of 1911

I. The Consistent Stand Taken by the Successive Chinese Central Governments towards the Sovereignty over Tibet after the Revolution of 1911
The Republic of China was founded in 1911 when the rule of the Qing Dynasty was overthrown by the Revolution of 1911. Though the domestic political situation of China was not quite stable at that time, yet the successive central governments of China all persisted in the principled stand of exercising sovereign jurisdiction over Tibet. They conducted resolute struggles against the schemes of splitting China by the foreign aggressive forces and adopted various measures of exercising sovereign jurisdiction over Tibet.  

1 . Reiteration of Sovereignty over Tibet by the Government of the Republic of China

At the beginning of the founding of the Republic of China, it promptly declared that the Republic was the integration of the Han,Manchu, Mongolian, Hui and Tibetan nationalities Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Provisional President of the Republic, pointed out in his Declaration in January 1912: "The foundation of the state lies in the people's power to incorporate the areas inhabited by the Hans, Manchus, Mongolians, Huis and Tibetans into one country and to unite the Han, Manchu, Mongolian, Hui and Tibetan nationalities into one nation. That is called the national unification." He also made succinct explanations to the declaring of independence by more than ten provinces after Wuchang took the lead to revolt, saying that "This 'independence' meant exclusion of the Qing court through alliance with other provinces This also applies to Mongolia and Tibet. The unification of territory meant the concerted actions of all the nationalities and provinces , not going astray under the leadership of the center and extended its rule to the four boundaries." He stressed that the independence of various provious did not mean by independent kingdom, but meant by exclusion of the Qing court through alliance with other provinces. He made special statement regarding Tibet and Mongolia . The five-colour flag used then as the national flag symbolized the integral whole of the five nationalities.

On March 11 , 1912 the Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China issued by the Nanjing Interim Government stipulated that "The territory of the Republic of China consists of twenty-two provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, Tibet and Qinghai." Senators will be selected from every province, Inner and Outer Mongolia, and Tibet, each five persons; one from Qinghai. The method of selection will be decided by the various regions . When the Senate is in session, one-senator-one-vote will be carried out." The above-mentioned facts clearly pointed out that Tibet and other regions are part of the Chinese territory ; their status are equal to other provinces. They have the right to participate in the administration of state affairs.

On April 22, 1912 the Order of President Yuan Shikai emphasized that "The Republic is composed of five nationalities. All Mongolian, Tibetan and Huijiang areas are the territory of the Republic; the Mongolians, Tibetans and the Huis in Xinjiang are all the nationals of the Republic. The designations used in the period of the Empire should not be continued. Henceforth, overall planning should be carried out regarding Mongolian, Tibetan and Huijiang regions in order to achieve the domestic unification and realize the great harmony of all nationalities. The Government of the Republic will not set up special organ to handle national minodties affairs. The reason is that Mongolian, Tibetan and Huijiang regions are placed on equal footing with the interior provinces. All political affairs in those regions should fall within the limits of interior administration, We have now founded the unified government. The national minorities affairs will be merged into and taken over by the Ministry of Interior Affairs......"

The Constitution of the Republic of China was issued in May 1914. It reiterated once again that "The territory of the Republic of China will comply with all the territory of the former Empire." "The nationals of the Republic of China will be equal before the law regardless of their races classes or religions."

In 1928 the Nationalist Government was established in Nanjing.On September 23, 1929 Chiang Kai-shek sent letters to the Dalai Lama and the Kalons respectively and expressed attitude of the central government towards Tibet. It was pointed out in the letter to the Kalons that "On the behest of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the Government will treat equally without discrimination against Tibet. Though U-Tsang is located far away, its land belongs to the territory of the Republic of China and its people belong to the nationals of the Republic of China. The Government will spare no efforts to foster the basis of regional autonomy in order to struggle for survival in the world."

On June 1, 1931 the Nationalist Government issued the Provisional Constitution in the Political Tutelage Period of the Republic of China, in which it stipulated that "The territory of the Republic of China covers the various provinces, Mongolia and Tibet." "The local systems of Mongolia and Tibet shall be enacted separately in legal forms according to the local conditions." Afterwards, the Constitution of the Republic of China, made public in 1947 pointed out once again that "The territory of the Republic of China shall comply with its inherent domains. No changes of territory shall be made without the resolutions adopted by the National Assembly." The autonomous system of Tibet should be guaranteed." There was also clear statement concerning the National Assembly that "The number of delegates to be elected from Tibet shall be decided according to law." It was also stipulated that there should also include the number of delegates from the Tibet regien among the legislators and controllers of the country.

The above-mentioned facts show that after the Revolution of 1911 ,the successive central governments of China all solemnly pointed out: Tibet is part of Chinese territory and it was stipulated by law.

2. The Government of the Republic Resolutely opposed the Conspiracy of Separating Tibet from China by Foreign Aggressive Forces

In the early stage of the founding of the Republic, the political situation of China was turbulent. The political regimes alternated continuously. Taking advantage of this chaotic situation of China, the British imperialists plotted to grab Tibet and separate it from China. In 1914 Britain hatched single-handedly the Simla Conference, concocted "the Simla Convention", openly divided our Tibetan areas into " Inner Tibet" and "Outer Tibet" and tampered with China's sovereignty over Tibet into "suzerainty". This "convention" which gravely violated the sovereignty of China should naturally be opposed by the Chinese Government. On July 3, 1914 Ivan Chen, the chief delegate of the Chinese government, was instructed to refuse to affix his signature on the formal text of the "Simla Convention" and stated that "The Chinese Government would not recognize any agreement or similar documents between Britain and Tibet today or some other day." The British scheme hence failed.

After the Simla Conference, the British imperialists were not reconciled to their failure, and continued to play with conspiracies and provoked incidents so as to attain their designs.

In July 1942, the Kashag (Tibetan local government) declared all of a sudden the establishment of a "bureau of foreign affairs" and threatened to cut off supplies to the Office of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs at Lhasa and forced the Office to have contacts with the so-called "bureau of foreign affairs" in an attempt to find an excuse for independence of Tibet. Mr. Kong Qingzong, the then director of the Office, promptly sent an urgent report to the central government and pointed out in the telegram that "The bureau of foreign affairs is by nature an organ that takes up matters with foreign countries. Today the Kashag informed me that I should take up all matters with the bureau. That amounts to treating the central government as a foreign government and Tibet as an independent country. If we were to recognize so, that would mean the disappearance of articles in the previous international treaties which stipulate Tibet is part of the Chinese territory. That would also mean the invisible validity of the various treaties, open or secret, signed by Tibet with foreign countries without the recognition of the central government of China, As this is a matter of great importance, we suggest that the central government should openly cable the Kashag that we do not recognize the bureau. The officials of the central government in Tibet should deal with all matters with the Kashag as usual." On August 5, 1942 the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs conveyed the instruction of the Executive Yuan to the Kashag, saying that" The Tibetan side found it necessary to set up an organ to handle local foreign affairs but they must observe the following rules:a) Problems involving the interests of the state, that is, political problems, must be handled in accordance with the will of the central government;b) All contacts and communication between the central authorities and Tibet should follow the usual practice and must not go through the above-mentioned bureau of foreign affairs." The Office of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs at Lhasa received a telegram, ordering that "The Office should take up all matters with the Kashag as usual, not have any connection with the "bureau of foreign affairs" . In 1943 the Tibetan Tsongdu (National Assembly) was held at Lhasa. The Tsongdu accepted the opinion of the Central Government concerning the matter of the 'bureau of foreign affairs' and withdrew the former decision, expressing that "Tibet should keep good feeling with the Central Government and should not sever relations with the Office of the central authorities in Tibet." Ngawang Gyaltsen, general representative of the Tibet Office in Nanjing (then moved to Chongqing), was instructed to convey this views to the President of the Nationalist Government personally. Owing to the solemn and just stand taken by the Chinese Central Government, the British imperialists' scheme for the independence of Tibet by taking advantage of establishing the "bureau of foreign affairs" went bankrupt.

The incidents of "Pan-Asian Conference" and "Trade Mission"were cooked up by the Kashag under the British instigation in 1947. The Central Government expressed its stern stand through various channels and resolutely opposed to them.

II. The Attitude of the Tibet Region towards the Central Government of China after the Revolution of 1911.
The Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni are the two most int bestial Grand Living Buddhas in Tibet and also the political and religious leaders. They control the political and religious power of Tibet. It is therefore very important to understand the attitude of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni towards the relations the Tibet region and the central government.

1 . The Thirteenth Dalai Lama's Attitude towards the Central Government of China

The thirteenth Dalai Lama extremely hated the British and other foreign aggressive forces which meddled actively in Tibetan affairs by taking advantage of the declining situation of the late Qing political power. He called on the Tibetan people to rise and hit back the British invasion in 1904. Afterwards, the Dalai Lama wavered for a time due to the error of the Qing's Amban in Tibet and the combined threats with inducements by the British. He made some remarks in contravention to the historical facts.

In 1919 the Central Government of the Republic sent special envoys Zhu Xiu and Li Zhonglian to Tibet. They met the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni, explained the policy towards Tibet by the Central Government of the Republic, removed previous ill will and doubts, and mediated between the parties. Through work they made the Tibetan upper-class personages know the truth, cleared their doubts and misgivings, thereby enabling the Dalai Lama's attitude towards the central authorities transformed a great deal, Before leaving Lhasa Li Zhonglian and Zhu Xiu were given a farewell banquet in their honor by the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama made remarks in the banquet to the effect that he was not really pro-British. But he had to take that stand due to the excessive pressure by the imperial envoy. He was very grateful to their visit to Tibet. He only hoped that the President would speedily dispatch his plenipotentiary to solve the outstanding issues. He vowed to them he inclined to the interior and desired to seek for the common well-being of the five nationalities. As to the draft Convention of the Simla Conference, it could also be amended. Shortly before Zhu Xiu and Li Zhonglian's entry to Tibet, the Dalai Lama also sent Khenpos from the three great monasteries to station in Beijing. They were well received by the Central Government. In 1924 the Dalai Lama once again sent Khenpo Kunchok Jungnas to Beijing as the general representative of the Tibet Office in Beijing (also the abbot of the Yonghegong Lama Temple). He did a lot of work in the respect of linking up the relations between Tibet and the Central Government. The Dalai Lama sent Khenpo Lozang Pasang from Wutai Mountain to Nanjing to have an audience with ChiangKai -shek to state his views on Tibetan affairs. He was welcomed by Chiang Kaishek who sent a letter to the Dalai lama through him. The letter read that 'Your Holiness just sent your representative Lozang Pasang coming Nanjing to state all about Tibetan affairs. I have learned your holiness to take a broad and long-term view and make up your mind to turn heart and soul to the party and the state. Looking into the western-most frontiers, I am greatly relieved and assured." "U-Tsang (the Anterior and Ulterior Tibet) is contiguous to powerful neighbours and it has long been oppressed by the imperialists. Fortunately, your holiness are deeply conscious of the righteous cause and are inclined to the interior with deep affection." The Dalai Lama henceforth once again sent Kunchok Jungnas and others to call on Yan Xi-shan, Chairman of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. He said in Yan's face that he received the Dalai Lama's letter and stated three things: "a) The Dalai Lama had no alliance with Britain. He had to have connections with the British because of the geographical contiguity; b) The Dalai Lama was alleged to have hatred for the Hans. That was the result of misinformation. The thirteenth Dalai Lama has time again sent officials to the interior of China; c) The Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni had always had good feelings with each other. The misunderstanding between them was not the fault of the Dalai Lama, etc." On September 3,1929 Kunchod Jungnas and others went to the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs and stated Tibetan affairs, repeating the Dalai Lama's statement. On September 10, 1929 President Chiang Kai-shek received Kunchok Jungnas and his party. During the meeting, Kunchok Jungnas conveyed the Dalai Lama's statement to Chiang Kai-shek that is, "no pro-British, no departing from the Central Government and welcome the Panchen Lama to return to Tibet." From that time on, the Tibetan local authorities expressed time and again the desire to treat the Central Government honestly; all the Tibetan administrative, military and foreign affairs will be under the management of the Central Government; resident official in Tibet be dispatched by the Central Government; and the draft Convention of the Simla Conference might be declared in future by the Dalai Lama that it should be solved by the Central Government of China, etc. In 1930 the Dalai Lama agreed to set up Tibet Offices in Nanjing, Beiping and Xikang (Khams).The same year the Dalai Lama received special envoy from the Central Government Liu Manqing at Norbu Lingkha, Lhasa and conveyed some truth in his mind in his remarks to Liu:What I hope for the most is nothing but the real peace and real unity in China...? As to the Xikang incident, he asked the government not to send ruthless and tyrannical soldiers to increase the sufferings of our Tibetan people there. Better send an honest and upright official to take over the areas concerned. I could order troop withdrawal anytime. Since all the lands belong to the Chinese territory, it is unnecessary to distinguish yours from mine. If armed confrontation continued, I could not stop the conflict because the Tibetan troops are famous for its bravery. Moreover, it is extremely worthless to quarrel between brothers. He also said: The British did try to entice me, but I knew I should not forfeit the sovereignty. Since the nature and habits between the British and us are entirely different and not tolerable. I dealt with them courteously but without sincerity whenever they come, However, I have never given them the slightest right. If only the internal relations are consolidated, the Xikang (Khams)-Tibet problem would not be difficult to be solved during the feasts. He urged Liu again and again to surely convey his letter to Chiang Kai-shek and take notes about what he said after going back her residence to avoid forgetting. Up to that time, the relations between Tibet and the Central Government had gradually become normalized.  

2. The Ninth Parched Erdeni's Attitude towards Central Government of China

In the last years of the Qing Dynasty, the ninth Panchen Erdeni and the thirteenth Dalai Lama took concerted actions and commonly resisted the invasion of the British troops. Afterwards, the contradiction between the Dalai and the Panchen occurred due to the British instigation. The Panchen Lama fled to the interior of China in 1923. After reaching the interior, the Panchen Lama was accorded a grand reception by various circles. The Panchen Office in Nanjing was set up in 1929. The founding declaration of the Office made a brilliant exposition with regard to the historical origin of the relations between Tibet and the Central Govemment as well as the changes of the Tibetan situation in late Qing and early Republic period and the policy should be adopted towards Tibetan affairs. It pointed out that "Tibet originally existed in China. Since the period of the Han and Tang Dynasties, the relations between Tibet and China had increasingly become close and intimate. During the Qing period, officers and men were dispatched to Tibet to defend the frontier. Considering the ties of history and geography, it is absolutely impossible for Tibet to separate from China to seek independence. If China forfeit Tibet, it would be just like a cart without spoke. Therefore, the relations between Tibet and China are benefited to both sides when united but hurt to all when split. This is a matter of course." "The imperialists even more engaged in economic and cultural aggression against Tibet. On the one hand, they incited the independence of Tibet... All these troubles were made by a handful of pro-British faction. Those people not only destroyed the ties between Tibet and China, but also ignored the interests of Tibet itself. They acted recklessly and blindly. Both the God and human being will be angered..." On May 5, 1931 the Panchen Lama went to Nanjipg to attend the National Conference, at which he delivered a brief speech. On May 10, 1931 he delivered an important speech entitled 'Tibet is the territory of China' at the Third Congress of the Nanjing New Asia Association. The Panchen Lama Looked back the origins of historical development between Tibet and China, pointed out that "a)Tibet is the territory of China. If invaded by the imperialists, it would be not different from one's door being destroyed by others. In that case, it would hardly avoid the worries of the teeth without the protection of the lips. (As the saying goes in China: If the lips are gone, the teeth will be cold.) b) How to unite the Mongolian and Tibetan nationalities into the whole Chinese nation? We should devote a lot of time and energy to carry out these two things, that is, making conceded efforts from the central government down to the national of the whole country." The Great Master Panchen had extensively toured the interior of China for fourteen years and done a great deal of work for safeguarding the unification of the motherland and strengthening the unity of the nationalities. The Great Master Panchen passed away at Yushu (Jyekundo) in December 1937. On his deathbed he still did not forget the unification of the mothetand, He poured out his head in his will, saying that "The great aspirations in my life to the support of the Central Government, to the propagation of Buddhist culture, to the promotion of the unity of the five nationalities and to the joint guarantee of the prosperity of the nation. In the last fifteen years or so, l have extensively toured the interior of China. I am grateful to the preferential treatment accorded to me,witnessed the respect to Buddhism and the equal treatment to the Tibetan nationality by the Central Government. I am greatly consoled and hence have firmed my conviction... I finally hope our Tibetans, officials and common people, monks and laymen, to make efforts for restoring good relations between Tibet and China in the spirit of national construction by the five lateralities advocated by the Central Government. The Dzasa Lamas and the various Khenpos should especially succeed my aspirations well in order to promote their realization."

After the demise of the thirteenth Dalai Lama, the Tibetan local government jointly chose Rating (Rwa-sgreng) Hutuktu as the regent in 1934. The decision was approved and Rating was Conferred upon by the Nationalist Government, After taking charge of the Tibetan political and religious affairs, he did a lot of work for safeguarding the unification of the motherland and opposing the imperialist aggression. After the outbreak of the Anti-lapanese War, Rating personally led scripture-chanting ceremonies by the three great Tibetan monasteries praying for Chinese victory. In 1943 the Kuomintang held its Sixth Plenary Session. He was elected as an alternate member of the executive committee of the central committee of that party, The British imperialists were dissatisfied with Rating's activities for actively safeguarding the unification of the motherland. Then they stirred up the pro-British splitting forces to create 'the Rating Incident" which once again overshadowed the Tibetan situation.

It is not difficult to see from the above-mentioned facts that after the Revolution of 1911, the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama as well as the broad officials, monks and laymen, of the Tibetan local government were turned heart and souls to the interior of China. They all supported the unification of the motherland in their fundamental stands. Although the British imperialist aggressive forces hatched one plot after another against China in that period, the relations between Tibet has not separated from the jurisdiction of the Central Government of China and become "an independent country."

III. The Proper Handling of the Demise of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni as well as Their Reincarnations and Enthronement by the Central Government of China
During the period of the Republic of China, the demise and condolence-offering to the thirteenth Dalai Lama and the reincarnation, enthronement of the fourteenth Dalai Lama as well as the condolence-offering to the ninth Panchen Erdeni's demise and the reincarnation, enthronement of the tenth Panchen Erdeni were all the eye-catching important event in Tibetan affairs. The Central Government properly handlled all these matters. These demonstrated that the Central Government effectively exercised sovereign jurisdiction over Tibet.

1. The Condolence-Offering to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama's Demise and the Supervision over the Reincarnation, Enthronement of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama by the Central Governmet of China

The thirteenth Dalai Lama Tubten Gyatso passed away at Lhasa on December 17, 1933. The Silon and the Kashag telegraphed to the Central Government care of the Tibet Office in Nanjing on December 20, 1933. The telegram read: "His Holiness the Dalai Lama passed away at 7:30 p.m. on the 30th in the 12th month by Tibetan calendar. The affairs in Tibet will temporarily be charged by the Silon and the Kashag, hoping to keep your minds on your work and submit this message to the Central Government. Details will be notified by another telegram." On hearing the sad news, the Central Government promptly started to prepare for the related commendatory and comforting affairs. The Nationalist Government issued orders on December 21, 1933, granting the Dalai the posthumous title of "Great Master of Patriotism, Magnanimity, Benevolence and Sagacity." All the commendation ceremonies should be grand and given special favored treatment, The Executive Yuan should promptly order the department in charge and the commission concerned to make arrangements submitting for implementation to express the concern and solicitude by the party and the state to think of an absent friend who is far away and commend the virtuous person." The Central Government sent Deputy Chief of the General Staff Huang Musong as special envoy to offer condolence on the Dalai's death. He was responsible for title-granting and condolence activities. Huang Musong was accorded grand reception when he reached Lhasa. The four Kalons of the Kashag called on him together, On September 23, 1934, Huang Musong presided over the title-granting ceremony and paid homage to the demise of the Dalai Lama in the morning. There were several hundred of clerical and secular officials from the Silon and other lower officials who joined the extremely grand ceremony. The Gyigyab Khenpo received the jade album and jade seal on behalf of the Dalai Lama. On October 1, 1934, the ceremony of offering condolence on the Dalai's death was also held in the mousing hall at the Potala Palace. During his stay at Lhasa, Huang had talks with the Tibetan local government high-ranking officials many times and exchanged views concerning the relations between Tibet and the Central Government. Though the two sides did not reach unanimous agreement on all matters, yet common consensus was reached on the question of "Tibet is the Chinese territory". When Huang Musong left Tibet, Liu Puchen and Chiang Zhiyu were left behind to stay in Tibet permanently. The relations between the Tibet region and the Central Government were further strengthened.

After the discovery of the thirteenth Dalai Lama's reincarnate soul boy, the Tibetan regent Rating Hutuktu sent a telegram to the Central Government on December 12, 1938, saying that "on the occasion of lot-drawing from the gold urn ceremony when the three soul boys arrive at Lhasa, the Central Government should send representatives to participate in the ceremony so as to make it more dependable and pleased by the people far and wide." The Central Government attached great importance to this request. The Nationalist Government issued an order on December 28, 1938, saying that "The Chairman of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Wu Zhongxin would be sent to preside over the fourteenth Dalai Lama's reincarnation togather with Rating Hutuktu." Wu Zhongxin and his party arrived at Lhasa on January 15, 1940 and were accorded a warm reception. On January 26, 1940, Rating applied for approval about the exemption of lot-drawing from the gold urn to the Dalai Lama's reincarnate soul boy Lhamo Dondup. Wu Zhongxin transmitted the application to the Central Government for approval. In the meantime, he went to the Norbu Lingkha Park to examine the soul boy. On January 31, Chiang Kaishek, Chairman of the Executive Yuan, applied the Nationalist Government for issuing an order to the effect that Lhamo Dondup was approved to succeed the thirteenth Dalai as the fourteenth Dalai Lama. On February 5, the Nationalist Government of China issued an order, saying that "Lhamo Dondup,the soul boy from Qinghai, is very intelligent and exceptional extraordinary. It is proved through investigation that he is the reincarnate of the thirteenth Dalai Lama and should promptly be exempted from lot-drawing, thereby ratified to succeed as the fourteenth Dalai Lama." And the Central Government appropriated 400,000 yuan as the expenses for the enthronement ceremony. On the eve of holding enthronement ceremony, there broke out a tea-cup storm due to the seating of Wu Zhongxin. The Kashag planned to arrange the seat of Wu Zhongxin the same as the Silon or Rating. It was sternly refuted by Wu Zhongxin, stating that he was representing the Central Government. His seating should follow the old practice of the Qing Dynasty, namely, to sit side by side with the Dalai Lama to embody the authority and position of the Central Government. The Tibetan authorities agreed to act accordingly. During the duration of his stay in Tibet, Wu Zhongxin decided through consultation with the Tibetan local government to set up "the Office of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs in Lhasa". The relations between Tibet and the Central Government thus furthered, Wu Zhongxin and his entourage were accorded a grand send-off ceremony by the Tibetan local-government when they left Lhasa. According to practice the Tibetan social government sent Ngawang Gyaltsen leaving for Chongqing soon afterwards to express thanks to the Central Government as well as to express the strong aspirations of the Tibetan populace to support the war against Japan and for national salvation.  

2. The Condolence-Offering to the Demise of the Ninth Panchen Erdeni and the Supervision over the Reincarnation, Enthronement of the Tenth Panchen Lama by the Central Government

The ninth Panchen passed away at Yushu (Jyekundo), Qinghai Province on December 1, 1937. The Central Government expressed utmost concern to the demise of the Panchen Lama. The Central Government issued an order to grant posthumous title of "great Master of Sagacity, Infinite Wisdom, Defender of the Nation and Propagation of the Doctrine" to the late Panchen on December 22, 1937, and sent Dai Chuanxian, Chairman of the Examination Yuan to offer condolence on the Panchen's death at Ganze. On February 4, 1941, the Great Master Panchen's hearse was transported to the Tashilhunpo Monastery. Up to then the Great Master Panchen's remains could eternally be enshrined there.

After eight long years' search for the reincarnate soul boy of the Panchen, Li Zongren, the acting President of the Nationalist Government issued an order to approve Gongpo Tseten to succeed as the tenth Panchen Erdeni on June 2, 1949. On August 10, the Nationalist Government sent Guan Jiyu, Chairman of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs as the special envoy to supervise the enthronement ceremony of the tenth Panchen and granted him the gold seal and gifts. After the enthronement ceremony the tenth Panchen Erdeni sent a telegram of thanks to Acting President Li Zongren, saying that "The Panchen Erdenis have received state favors for generations and the utmost munificence. We are grateful for Your Excellency's issuing formal decree to approve the succession of the ninth Panchen's legally constituted authority. We are indebted to the sending of special envoy Guan Jiyu and deputy special envoy Ma Bufang to Qinghai to supervise over the enthronement and also gratefu1 to the title-granting and the generous gifts. After acknowledging the receipt of the above-mentioned presents, we are deeply grateful to the Central Government. The enthronement ceremony was held at the Kumbum Monastery in compliance with the instructions on August 10, 1949. Henceforth, in the days to come I can only pour out all my sincerity to the Central Government in the spirit of the successive Panchens and the consistent will to protect all living creatures. We are duty-bound to exert all our efforts in the future so as to repay the boundless virtue and kindness of the central Government."

It is thus clearly seen from the above-mentioned historical facts about the Dalai Lamas and the Panchen Lamas that the Tibetan local government reported all the important Tibetan matters to the Central Government and dealt with together with the central special representatives after obtaining the approval of the Central Government. AIl these fully embodied the effective sovereign jurisdiction over Tibet by the Central Government. These historical facts brook no denial and distortion.

IV. The Tibetan Local Authorities Attended a Series of Political Conferences Convened by the Central Government of China
Now let us have a look at what were the relations between Tibet and the Central Governments during the period of the Republic of China from sending delegates by the Tibet region to attend the political conferences convened by successive Central Governments, and see whether or not Tibet was "an independent country".

In 1913 the parliament was established in Beijing. It worked out the Executive Law for the Election of Parliament Members for the First Session of Tibet. Its Article One stipulated that the election of the senators and the members of the House of Representatives for the First Session must be carried out at the seat of the Government; Article Two stipulated that the supervision over the election of Tibetan members shall be performed by the Chairman of the Bureau for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs; Article Three stipulated that detailed rules and regulations shall be drawn up by the election supervisors. In accordance with this Law, the list of the following persons who were elected through election was made public on May 15, 1913. Senators from Anterior Tibet: Dondup Norbu, Tashi Drokar, Wang Geng, Kalon Shatra, Sun Yuyun; alternate members: Padma Rinchen, Yu Baoxuan, Sun Jiangdong, Liu Wentong and Li Anlu; Senators from Ulterior Tibet: Gyaltsen Sampo, Fu Xie, Ngawang Yeshe, Gong Huanchen, Chen Ke; alternate members: Wang Tse, Ngawang Chosdrak, Wang Youling, Hu Jun, Gao Luding. The parliament then was stipulated by the first constitution of the Republic of China, namely, the Provisional Constitution of the Republic of China, as the organ of legislation, public opinion and of constitution enactment. It enjoyed the legislative power, right of constitution enactment, right of impeachment and the right to vote. The Tibetan representatives were elected into the supreme power organ ---the Parliament--- to participate in the state affairs. This fact rightly demonstrated that Tibet is part of Chinese territory and the Tibetan people are one of the members of the big family of the Chinese nation.

For the purposes of strengthening military and financial affairs, studying the construction plans and organizing the national representative conference, the interim Power-Holder Duan Qirui of the Republic of China convened a Rehabilitation Conference on February 1, 1925. The Dalai Lama, the Panchen Erdeni and the Central Resident Offcial in Tibet Lu Xingqi were appointed as members of the Rehabilitation Conference. During the session, they all sent their representatives, that is, Dondup Wanggyal, Lozang Gyaltsen and Zhu Qinghua, to attend the Conference. The Great Master Panchen placed great hope on this Conference. He sent a message to the participants of the Conference on January 27, 1925, hoping that the various circles to the Conference "in compliance with public-mindedness will endeavour to overall planning, benefitting the people and making the country rich... Because the Conference aimed at the public affairs of the nation, not the private affairs of one person, one family, one party faction or one region." During the Conference the Great Master Panchen also submitted a proposal to the Conference in view of the domestic situation of tangled warfare among the warlords, suggesting to put an end to the disaster of war and implement the Republicanization of the five nationalities.

On August 3, 1925, the constitution-drafting commission was set up. At the invitation of Duan Qirui, Kunchok Jungnas from the Tibetan local government and Wang Lejie from the Panchen's Council of Khenpos took part in the important organ as representatives for studying and formulating the fundamental law of the country.

The above-mentioned facts are only a few examples of the participation in the state affairs by the Tibet region together with the various provinces and regions. There were some other examples, such as the National Political Conference convened by Yuan Shikai in December 1913; the Provisional Constitution Conference in March 1914 and the First Session of the Parliament restored after Li Yuanhong succeeding to the Presidency of the Republic in 1916. AIl these conferences were participated in by the Tibetan local representatives.

The foregoing historical facts demonstrate that though at the initial stage of the Republic the domestic situation was unstable because of the tangled warfare among the Northern warlords, when the national conferences with a political nature were convened by no matter whatsoever central government, Tibet sent its representatives to participate in all these conferences. This fully demonstrated that the Tibet region recognized it as one of the members of China.

On June 17, 1929, the Kuomintang (KMT) convened the Second Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Third Party Congress in Nanjing. It adopted a resolution on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. There were altogether six articles, namely, 1) A meeting on Mongolian and Tibetan affairs would be held, ... Tibet would send certain number of delegates chosen by the Dalai and the Panchen Lama as well as the Tibetan people to attend the meeting to be held in the capital;2) Sending official to go to Mongolia and Tibet respectively, publicizing the policy of fostering the Mongolian and Tibetan nationalities formulated by the Central Government and its determination as well as expressing sympathy and solicitude for the suffering and hardships of the Mongolian and Tibetan people and conducting investigations; 3) A school for Mongolians and Tibetans would be set up in the capital, Fine youngsters would be selected and enrolled into the school after passing the examination by Mongolian and Tibetan areas; 4) Concerning the rejuvenation of Mongolian and Tibetan economy and culture, it should be started with by taking measures of developing education; 5) The Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs should actively plan and carry out the above-mentioned projects in accordance with the administrative programme and its implementation procedures; 6) Speeding up the publicity toward Mongolia and Tibet, expounding that the Mongolian and Tibetan nationalities were part of the whole Chinese nation; explaining the danger of the situation in which the Mongolian and Tibetan nationalities were located; the sinister schemes designed by the imperialists; and that the educational institutions, economic facilities, the construction of communications and industries in the Mongolian and Tibetan areas should be implemented by the local government assisted by the Central Government; only the military and foreign affairs as well as the state administration had to be centralized into the hand of the Central Government ... etc. In line with this resolution the Nationalist Government convened the meeting on Mongolian and Tibetan affairs in 1930. The Resident Official in Tibet Mr. Lu Xingqi then was instructed to send letters to the Dalai Lama and the Kashag for sending officials to attend the meeting. The Kashag promptly replied: "The Han nationality and the minority nationalities have always been of one family, ... Tibetan nationality being one of the five nationalities, the Tibetans have a relation just like the lips and the teeth with the Han nationality, sharing weal and woe, There should not have any reason of separation from each other." The Dalai Lama also expressed clearly in his reply: "In compliance with your invitation l instantly sent Dzasa of the Yonghegong Monastery and the Tibetan Affairs Office Khenpo Dronyer Lozangwa to attend the meeting. In addition, I would send Dronyer from Shangshan Ngawang Gyaltsen and Tsedrung Chophel Tubten to attend the meeting from Tibet together with them. They would set out within the next few days..."

The Nationalist Government convoked the National Conference in 1931. There were six delegates from the Anterior Tibet (u), including Kunchok Jungnas, Chophel Tubten and others; four delegates from the Ulterior Tibet (Tsang), including Lozang Tsultrim, Lozang Gyaltsen and others, In addition, there were eight persons, including Tsultrim Nyima, attended the conference as the nonvoting delegates. The ninth Panchen not only personally attended the conference, but also delivered a complimentary speech to the conference, saying that "Acting on the behest of the late Premier, the National Conference was convoked, in which the outstanding delegates could be consulted carefully, the provisional constitution could be formulated to consolidate the foundation of the nation. The Provisional Constitution during the Period of Political Tutelage of the Republic of China worked out by the Conference was a fundamental law which was similar to the constitution. The Provisional Constitution stipulated: The territory of China is the various provinces, Mongolia and Tibet. The conference also decided that in view of the difference of languages between the Mongolian and the Tibet regions and the interior of China, the Nationalist Government should consider the local conditions and properly work out measures according to the educational policy enacted in line with the Provisional Constitution to ensure the speedy development to the culture of Mongolia and Tibet.

Before the convocation of the conference, a dispute arose between the delegates of U-Tsang because of the number of quorum. The delegates from the udemanded that the Tibetan delegates should all be chosen by the Dalai Lama; while the delegates from the Tsang demanded that the Tibetan delegates should equally be distributed according to the usual practice of the successive conferences. It is thus clear that both the Dalai and the Panchen all wanted to support the Central Government.

In November 1931, the Chinese Kuomintang held its Fourth National Congress in Nanjing. The participants to the Congress from the Tibet region were: Lozang Gyaltsen, Kunchok Jungnas, Liu Manqing, Ngawang Gyaltsen, Kelzang Tsering and others. Kunchok Jungian and Lozang Gyaltsen were elected at the Congress as members of the Executive Committee of the Central Committee of the KMT. Afterwards, when the Fifth National Congress of Kuomintang was convened, the Tibet region also sent its delegates to attend that Congress.

On April 7, 1932, the Executive Yuan convened the National Calamity Conference, The Tibetan local delegates attended the conference were Kunchok Jungnas, Lozang Gyaltsen, Liu Jiaju and Liu Manning. During the conference the Tibetan delegates put forward a proposal concerning improving the military, political, religious and educational affairs of Mongolia and Tibet to resist foreign aggression, We can see the sense of responsibility and crisis of the delegates as the masters of the nation towards the national destiny. On January 21, 1932, the Tibet Office representatives in Nanjing Kunchok Jungnas, Ngawang Gyaltsen and others jointly submitted a report to the Nationalist Government, the Executive Yuan and the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs, transmitting the Dalai Lama's opinion concerning the method of producing Tibetan delegates. The report said that in the period of national calamity, the Central Government should concentrate the opinions of the people of the whole country to make them into a whole. The production Of the Tibetan delegates should be elected freely by the local people so as to express to the fullest the patriotic opining of the Tibetan people. That was the power of the Tibet region and also the obligation towards the nation.

In March 1938, the Kuomintang Provisional National Congress adopted a resolution on the organizing of the People's Political Council. Article 3, Item B of the organizational regulation of the Council stipulated that "The number of the Tibetan local delegates was two persons; the recommendation of its candidates must be in accordance with the stipulations of the regulation's Articles 2, 3 and 4, They should be produced doubly according to the number of delegates: man or woman, reached the age of 30 with the nationality of China, served in Tibetan local organs, public or private, or other groups, famous and familiar with the political and social conditions at the localities, trustworthy and prestigious for a long time." Article 12 of the regulation stipulated that "The officials at their posts should not become the senators." Through election the Nationalist Government made public the name list of the First People's Political Council on June 16, 1938, Sherab Gyatso and Tenzin Gyalpo from the Tibet region were elected. On July 5, the First Session of the People's Political Council was formally held, at which the proposal on supporting the Nationalist Government to carry out the Programme of National Reconstruction was adopted. Sherab Gyatso and others handed in a proposal to the Second Congress of the First Session concerning uniting with the will of the border inhabitants to enhance the strength of resistance against Japan. After the ending of the meeting, the Anti-Japanese raging tide of the people of all nationalities of the country was further on the rise. The Tibetan people also rose to contribute money, donate goods and organize various Anti-Japanese groups going to the front to comfort the Anti-Japanese commanders and soldiers. The Tibetan regent Rating Hutuktu also sent a telegram to Chiang Kai-shek on July 1 , 1939, expressing his support to the Anti-Japanese far, saying that "we would hold sutra-chanting service to the victory of our army and curse to the prompt defeat of the Japanese robbers, continuing to the final triumph of our country." The three great monasteries of Lhasa held a meeting at the Drepung Monastery. The meeting passed a public report to the Nationalist Government, expressing that "Now we must drive the enemy out of the Chinese territory and the five nationalities must be of one heart. For the country, those who have money give money; those who have no money defend the land with their own bodies. It is urgent for all circles to cope with the tyrannical Japanese, hoping to exterminate the Japanese militarism. It was over one year that the three great monasteries of Lhasa had been praying days and nights without interruption for the victory of the country since the Lugouqiao Bridge Incident." The Panchen's Council of Khenpos sent a telegram to the Chairman of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs, saying that "Due to the tyranny of the Japanese aggressors, the whole country shared a bitter hatred to the enemy. Under the influence of justice, we would certainly win the victory. We would support the Central Government in line with the unfulfilled wish of the late Great Master, unite the border people, stabilize the rear, relieve the cares to the western border, and try our best to benefit the War of Resistance against Japan." The foregoing historical facts demonstrate that in the period of Anti-Japanese War, confronting the national calamity, the Tibetan people acted and manifested just like the other nationalities of the country, warmly loved their own country and hated the common enemy. They were by no means considering themselves as the people of another country.

On November 15, 1946 the Nationalist Government convened the National Assembly for the preparations of constitutional government. The Tibetan local government and the Panchen's Council of Khenpos sent their delegates to participate in the Assembly. There were altogether 10 delegates from the Tibet region. They were: Tubten Samphel, Sonam Wangdui, Tubten Sampu, Tsewang Dondup, Tubten Trinley, Tubten Tsedan, Tubten Sengye, Jampa Ngawang, Yeshe Dargye, Dorji Ngodup and so on; the delegates from the Panchen's Council of Khenpos were: Tenjin Gyaltsen, Ji Jigme, Lamin Yeshe Trultrim, Tsering Dondup, Ho Badon, Song Zhishu and others. Tubten Samphel, the delegate from the Tibet region was elected the member of the Presidium. Article 6 of the General Rules of the Organization of the Assembly's Credentials Committee stipulated: "The conveners of the various Examination Committees of the Draft Constitution should be composed of 5 to 9 persons, who would be appointed from among the members of the Examination Committees of the Presidium." In line wlh this, the Tibetan delegates took part in the work of various Examination Committees respectively.

Article 120 of the Constitution of the Republic of China formulated by the Assembly stipulated that the Tibetan autonomous system should be guaranteed. Article 168 of the Constitution stipulated that the status of the various nationalities in the border regions should be legally guaranteed by the state. Its regional autonomy should specially be fostered.

During the session Chiang Kai-shek and his wife gave a dinner in honor of the entire Tibetan delegates at the official residence on November 28, 1946; Gyalo Thondup (the Dalai's brother), Qi Jihui (the Dalai's elder sister), Dorji Nyima (Qi's husband), Wu Zhongxin, Chiang Jinkuo and others were also present at the dinner, The above-mentioned Dalai's relatives then were in Nanjing.

On March 29, 1948, the National Assembly for constitutional government was held. There were thirteen delegates sept by the Tibetan local government to attend the Assembly. They were:Tubten Samphel, Tubten Tsedun, Jampa Ngawang, Dampa Phuntsok, Tenzin Tangye, Jampa Tashi, Laixi Gyatso, Sonam Wangdui, Paljor Trimley, Kongpo Tsering, Geten Pempa, Khedrub Tamdan and Sengye Dargyas. There were eleven delegates sent by the Panchen's Council of Khenpos to attend the Assembly, They were: Tenzin Gyaltsen, Lamin Yeshe Tsultrim, Ji Jigme, Song Zhishu, Lozang Sherab, Lo Tubten, Gao Lozang, Lozang, Ming Toeing, Dampa, and Ji Lo Xiuying. Tubten Samphel from the Tibetan local government was elected as the member of the Presidium. There were three legislators from the Tibet region, namely, Tubten Zangpo, Jampa Ngawang and Tenzin Damchok; three controllers: Tubten Tsedun, Jampa Tashi and Dampa Phuntsok; there were five legislators from the Panchen's Council of Khenpos, namely, Ji Jigme, Tsering Dondup, Tubten Nyima, Lozang Gyaltsen and Ngawang Jinpa; three controllers: Lamin Yeshe Tsultrim, Ji Yujie and Ho Badon, Lozang Gyaltsen was also invited as a member to the National Policy Advisory Committee by the Presidential Palace.

Judging from the above-mentioned historical facts, it is absolutely impossible for anyone to reach the conclusion that Tibet was "an independent country". We would like to ask: how could the highest organ of power of a sovereign state admit foreigners as its MPs? How could the highest organs of legislation and control of a sovereign state permit foreigners to exercise such a lofty power ?